233 resultados para Living Donors

em Deakin Research Online - Australia


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In the face of the perceived failure of altruistic organ donation programs to generate sufficient kidneys to meet demand, introducing financial incentives for living donors is sometimes argued as the only effective strategy by which lives currently lost while awaiting kidney transplantation might be saved. This argument from life-saving necessity is implicit in many incentive proposals, but rarely challenged by opponents. The core empirical claims on which it rests are thus rarely interrogated: that the gap between supply of and demand for donor kidneys is large and growing, the current system cannot meet demand, and financial incentives would increase the overall supply of kidneys and thus save lives. We consider these claims in the context of the United States. While we acknowledge the plausibility of claims that incentives, if sufficiently large, may successfully recruit greater numbers of living donors, we argue that strategies compatible with the existing altruistic system may also increase the supply of kidneys and save lives otherwise lost to kidney failure. We conclude that current appeals to the life-saving necessity argument have yet to establish sufficient grounds to justify trials of incentives.

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Governmental and private programs that pay next of kin who give permission for the removal of their deceased relative's organs for transplantation exist in a number of countries. Such payments, which may be given to the relatives or paid directly for funeral expenses or hospital bills unrelated to being a donor, aim to increase the rate of donation. The Declaration of Istanbul Custodian Group-in alignment with the World Health Organization Guiding Principles and the Council of Europe Convention Against Trafficking in Human Organs-has adopted a new policy statement opposing such practices.Payment programs are unwise because they produce a lower rate of donations than in countries with voluntary, unpaid programs; associate deceased donation with being poor and marginal in society; undermine public trust in the determination of death; and raise doubts about fair allocation of organs. Most important, allowing families to receive money for donation from a deceased person, who is at no risk of harm, will make it impossible to sustain prohibitions on paying living donors, who are at risk.Payment programs are also unethical. Tying coverage for funeral expenses or healthcare costs to a family allowing organs to be procured is exploitative, not "charitable." Using payment to overcome reluctance to donate based on cultural or religious beliefs especially offends principles of liberty and dignity. Finally, while it is appropriate to make donation "financially neutral"-by reimbursing the added medical costs of evaluating and maintaining a patient as a potential donor-such reimbursement may never be conditioned on a family agreeing to donate.

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In 1991, the World Health Assembly approved a set of Guiding Principles which emphasize voluntary donation, non-commercialization and a preference for cadavers over living donors” (World Health Organization). The objective of this paper is to identify the factors that affect the ratio of cadaveric transplants to all transplants. This paper first provides informational background on problems surrounding kidney transplants and then uses a theoretical framework which employs standard economic assumptions but incorporates a setup where the persons needing kidneys can obtain it from their compatible relatives or purchase it from individuals who are willing to sell one of their kidneys. The methods of economic theoretical analyses are used where following definitions and assumptions some conclusions are drawn. This paper finds that factors such as inequality, rule of law and religion have significant effect on the ratio of cadaveric transplants to all transplants. The paper concludes that improvement in equality and in rule of law will increase the use of cadaveric kidney transplants. In addition, fighting religious beliefs against cadaveric kidney transplants too will lead to a higher ratio of cadaveric transplants to all transplants.

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In India, as in most countries where trade in human organs is legally prohibited, policies governing transplantation from living donors are designed to identify and exclude prospective donors who have a commercial interest in donation. The effective implementation of such policies requires resources, training and motivation on the part of health professionals responsible for organ procurement and transplantation. If professionals are unconvinced by or unfamiliar with the ethical justification of the relevant laws and policies, they may fail to perform a robust evaluation of prospective donors and transplant candidates, and to act on suspicions or evidence of illicit activities. I comment here on a recent paper by Aggarwal and Adhikary (2016), in which the authors imply that tolerance of illicit commercialism in living kidney donation programmes is not unreasonable, given the insufficiency of kidneys available for transplantation. I argue that such tolerance is unethical not only because of the harmful consequences of kidney trafficking, but because professional tolerance of commercialism undermines public trust in organ procurement programmes and impairs the development of sustainable donation and transplant systems.

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The supply of organs—particularly kidneys—donated by living and deceased donors falls short of the number of patients added annually to transplant waiting lists in the United States. To remedy this problem, a number of prominent physicians, ethicists, economists and others have mounted a campaign to suspend the prohibitions in the National Organ Transplant Act of 1984 (NOTA) on the buying and selling of organs. The argument that providing financial benefits would incentivize enough people to part with a kidney (or a portion of a liver) to clear the waiting lists is flawed. This commentary marshals arguments against the claim that the shortage of donor organs would best be overcome by providing financial incentives for donation. We can increase the number of organs available for transplantation by removing all financial disincentives that deter unpaid living or deceased kidney donation. These disincentives include a range of burdens, such as the costs of travel and lodging for medical evaluation and surgery, lost wages, and the expense of dependent care during the period of organ removal and recuperation. Organ donation should remain an act that is financially neutral for donors, neither imposing financial burdens nor enriching them monetarily.

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In his comprehensive review of the hazards of existing,largely unregulated markets in human kidneys, Koplin(2014) argues that advocates of regulated markets mayunderestimate the potential physical, psychosocial andfinancial harms risked by vendors. He acknowledges, however,that market proponents will likely be undeterred incalling for “trials” or “pilot studies” of financial incentivesin developed countries on the grounds that the experienceof international black markets is of limited predictive valuein anticipating the outcomes of regulated markets. We contendthat there is good evidence to support the concernthat living vendors would be at higher risk of adversehealth outcomes compared to altruistic donors in the contextof a regulated market. This has important implicationsnot only for the informed consent of prospective vendors,but also for the potential regulations that would berequired to mitigate these risks. We argue here that pilotstudies would be at the very least premature until suchtime as market proponents have sufficiently engaged withpotential harms to prospective kidney vendors.

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Adaptive behaviour is important in the assessment of eligibility for intellectual disability services. However, there is some question about which behaviours should be assessed. The purpose of the present study was to clarify which everyday behaviours are considered essential for independent functioning by young adults in the Australian community. Parents, disability workers, and young adults judged the importance of 130 everyday behaviours. Items that assessed safety, health, self-care, functional literacy and numeracy, respecting others' rights, and day-to-day decisionmaking were most frequently rated as essential for independent functioning. Our findings raise important questions about the assessment of adaptive behaviour in Australia, and point to the need for a more valid approach to the measurement of adaptive behaviour for the purpose of eligibility assessment. The research provides a first step towards providing such a scale for use in the Australian context.

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This paper describes aspects of a study that was conducted to determine women's needs for information related to laparoscopy for endometriosis. Sixty-one women attended focus groups, during which they described endometriosis as a disease of multiple losses: of relationships, of career and of a sense of self-worth. The women indicated that the pathway to diagnosis and treatment had been long and unnecessarily difficult. Many women said that they had reached a point where they decided enough was enough: the medical merry-go-round had to finish. They had to become assertive, take control and decide for themselves how they were going to manage their disease and their quality of life. For all but one woman in the study, complementary therapies were vital. For some women, alternative therapies had replaced allopathic medicine completely. Complementary/alternative therapies were a mechanism for regaining control.

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This study examined the effects of improved strength on an obstacle course (OC) simulating gait tasks commonly encountered by community-living older adults. Forty-five adults (mean age 68.2 +/- 1.5 years) were randomly assigned to a control (10 women, 5 men) or an experimental group (EXP; 19 women, 10 men) and trained 3 days/week for 12 weeks.

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Poor mobility has been associated with age-related deterioration in muscle strength. While previous work has examined the effects of improved strength on level walking, we have quantified the effects of a resistance-training program on obstructed gait tasks using biomechanical-dependent measures. Forty-five community-dwelling participants aged 62 years or older were randomised to either a control (n=16) or experimental group (n=29). The experimental subjects exercised for 24 weeks on a progressive resistance-training program designed to improve lower body strength. Dynamic strength was assessed at weeks 0 and 24 as well as specific laboratory gait kinetics and kinematics during stepping over an obstacle and negotiation of a raised surface set at 10, 20 and 30% of each subject's leg length.

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Background: Of the estimated 160 000 Australians currently infected with the hepatitis C virus (HCV), over one-third are women and very few have received clinical treatment, with most managing their illness in non-specialist settings. Little is known about the experiences of women living with HCV in the general community. The present study provides the results from the first comprehensive social survey of Australian women's experiences of living with HCV.

Methods: In 2000, a questionnaire was administered to a largely non-clinical sample of women with HCV (n = 462) living in the state of Victoria and the Australian Capital Territory, Australia. The questionnaire was self-administered with a return rate of 75%. The mean age was 35 years and 83% were 'current' or 'past' injecting drug users. The mean time since diagnosis was 4.6 years (SD = 4.0) and the mean time since infection was 10.5 years (SD = 8.2).

Results: Fifty-eight percent of women reported experiencing symptoms related to their HCV, the most common being tiredness (78%) and nausea (44%). Of the sample, 56% currently saw a doctor for their HCV, and while 52% had ever been referred to a specialist, only 17% of the total sample had ever begun interferon-based combination or monotherapy. Forty-eight percent of women reported experiencing less favorable treatment by a health professional because of their HCV. Age-related self-assessed health status was significantly lower than Australian norms, as were SF-12 physical and mental health scores. The SF-12 physical and mental health scores were highly correlated, indicating a significant physical and mental health burden associated with HCV.

Conclusion: The social, physical and mental health needs of women living with HCV are considerable. Most women had not accessed specialist treatment and the response of the primary health care system to HCV-related women's health issues requires improvement.